Jourchi: GSPC changed name to cover up its decline

2007-02-09

Tunisian writer Slaheddine Jourchi says that violent Islamist groups have no future in the Maghreb region. He tells Magharebia that the Algerian terrorist group GSPC changed its name to al-Qaeda to cover up its decline.

By Jamel Arfaoui for Magharebia in Tunis – 09/02/07

[Jamel Arfaoui] What has been most harmed by al-Qaeda's nihilistic strategy is Islam, Al-Jahez Foundation President Slaheddine Jourchi says.

Tunisian expert in Islamic affairs and Al-Jahez Foundation President Slaheddine Jourchi deems it unlikely that extremist Islamic groups will be well received, or successful, in the Maghreb sphere. The region, according to Jourchi, is tied to the reformist dimension and peaceful struggle.

Magharebia: Following the announcement of the establishment of what is called the Al-Qaeda in the Land of the Islamic Maghreb, what are this group's prospects in the Maghreb region?

Slaheddine Jourchi: I don't envision these groups as having future prospects in the Arab Maghreb region, due to three factors. The first is rejection by broad sectors of the region's populace of armed violence against the regimes, regardless of the criticisms directed towards these regimes. The opposition political activity in most Maghrebi nations was associated with the reformist dimension and peaceful struggle. Consequently, it can be said that despite the critical crises in this region, there isn't a deep-rooted culture of violence.

The second factor goes back to the experience of violence remaining limited -- it could even be said that there's a decline and announcement of failure, especially if we bring up the Algerian experience. In Algeria, armed violence declined in a clear, certain way. What has now become of the Algerian Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC), which changed its name [into al-Qaeda in the Land of the Islamic Maghreb], is nothing but an indication of this regression.

As it pertains to the third factor, we see it in acceptance by a number of those who carried arms in Algeria and Libya for forms of reconciliation with the regimes of the two countries. This is a sign that using violence reached its highest level and didn't accomplish the sought after goals.

But this survey of the decline of the phenomenon of violence does not mean that it's not possible for these efforts to be renewed. It is still possible, and what happened in Tunisia is an indication of that.

Magharebia: What's the significance of this change of name from GSPC into al-Qaeda in the Land of the Islamic Maghreb?

Jourchi: It seems clear that the GSPC wants to employ the name of al-Qaeda to create a state of confusion. The designation al-Qaeda taps into political and security stock that the organisation imagines could strengthen its position and cover up the state of weakness and the disputes that are dividing it.

Magharebia: Given these circumstances, what are the prospects of moderate religious discourse among Maghreb youth?

Jourchi: First, we need to specify the nature of this discourse, i.e., what do we mean by moderation, because the problem of categorisation remains one of the most complex issues over which the elites and the regimes differ. But it may be said, if the intended meaning of moderation is separation between religious practice and aspects of violence, then I could say such discourse will remain more accepted over the medium and long term.

But the problem is in the now, as this discourse finds itself between two pressures from two contradictory sides. The first side is represented by the majority of governments and the secular elite, who doubt the credibility of adherents of this discourse and launch strong campaigns against them from time to time to weaken them, marginalise them and even bring them into account politically and from a security standpoint. The second side is represented by this ascendant and emerging Salafi movement, which is fed by numerous crises -- among them [crises that are] internal and [those that are] external, as well as [crises that are] political, cultural, economic and social. That is why we find the moderate discourse threatened at this stage and losing some of its strongholds, such as mosques and universities.

Magharebia: Why does the image of Islamic parties and groups seem frightening?

Jourchi: This image is attributable to several factors. The first, in my belief, is the weakness of the performance of these groups on the level of developing the Islamic discourse. Their offering on the intellectual level is still limited, and this has helped extremist discourse remain strong and unsettling in the Islamic sphere. The other factor that causes this discourse to be surrounded by fears is that enlightened and convincing Islamic experiments have not yet been established. Calling to mind the experience in the Sudan and in Afghanistan will only add further uncertainty to the matter.

Magharebia: Then where do you situate the experiences of Turkey and Malaysia?

Jourchi: Such experiences take on a promising, serious and modern dimension, but let's not forget that they unfortunately assume particulars of the Islamic situation outside of the Arab region. Thus, they have as of now not offered the possibility of influencing the Arab world. Nevertheless, it's possible to deal with what's happening in the Maghreb, for example, with relative optimism.

Magharebia: There are those who justify the violence of Islamic groups in the Arab region by pointing to the absence of universal freedoms and opportunities. But is it possible to justify their violence in nations such as Britain, France or Spain, for example -- nations that respect universal and individual freedoms and where many opportunities are available.

Jourchi: Circles close to the al-Qaeda organisation put forth a justification for this violence happening in Western nations, and perhaps the most important change brought about by Ayman Zawahiri -- al-Qaeda's second in command -- and others in Islamist strategies is moving the battle from its local and regional level to the international level, their conviction being that changing American and European policies comes through directing painful blows at these nations on their own soil. But while this thinking led to a state of confusion and created difficulties for these nations, it also brought very painful and dangerous outcomes on the Arab and Islamic levels. What has been most harmed by this nihilistic strategy is Islam as a religion, culture and humanitarian vision.